Política industrial: uma visão neo-schumpeteriana sistêmica e estrutural
Carlos Augusto Grabois Gadelha
This article develops a neo-schumpeterian vision of industrial policy, trying to overcome the focuses worked by the conventional economic theory. It shows the inadequacy of the distinction suggested by the approaches that privilege the horizontal dimension and the ones that plead a selective conception of the industrial politics. The state intervention in the innovations dynamics of the industry should be, simultaneously, systemic and structural, privileging the state action in the systemic interdependences that are specific in relation to the different industries. Like this being, the systemic industrial policy involves options, whose definition depends on the peculiar requirements of competitiveness of the effective and desired industrial structure.
Vol.21, n.o4(84), 2001
Rethinking macroeconomic policies for development
Deepak Nayyar
The global economic crisis has created an opportunity to rethink macroeconomics for development. Such rethinking is both necessary and desirable. It is essential to redefine macroeconomic objectives so that the emphasis is on fostering employment creation and supporting economic growth instead of the focus on price stability alone. It is just as important to rethink macroeconomic policies which cannot simply be used for the management of inflation and the elimination of macroeconomic imbalances, since fiscal and monetary policies are powerful and versatile instruments in the pursuit of development objectives. In doing so, it is essential to the overcome the constraints embedded in orthodox economic thinking and recognize the constraints implicit in the politics of ideology and interests.
Vol.31, n.o3(123), 2011
Globalization and democracy
Deepak Nayyar

The gathering momentum of globalization in the world economy has coincided with the spread of political democracy across countries. Economies have become global. But politics remains national. This essay explores the relationship between globalization and democracy, which is neither linear nor characterized by structural rigidities. It seeks to analyze how globalization might constrain degrees of freedom for nation states and space for democratic politics, and how political democracy within countries might exercise some checks and balances on markets and globalization. The essential argument is that the relationship between globalization and democracy is dialectical and does not conform to ideological caricatures.

Vol.35, n.o3(140), 2015
Políticas públicas e targeting setorial - efeitos da nova política industrial sobre o setor automobilístico brasileiro
Eduardo Meira Zauli
This article examines the new conditions created by the Brazilian Automotive Regime since the second semester of 1995. First, it discusses the main controversies surrounding the implementation of a new modality of industrial policy on the part of the federal government and the incentives granted by the state governments to the companies of the automobile sector in Brazil. Second, this article sketches a picture of the situation of this industrial sector, with emphasis on the changes that are hap-pening in the relationships between assembling industry and auto parts industry. In the context of the new climate of competition created by the tendencies towards glo-balization of markets and by the new guidelines of the industrial politics in place, this article shows that new modes of governance in the relations between the local “mon-tadoras” and their providers are replacing the old competitive strategies.
Vol.20, n.o3(79), 2000
A crise monetária no Brasil: migrando da âncora cambial para o regime flexível
Eliana Cardoso
The author begins by asking why Brazilian policymakers opted to target the exchange rate to stabilize inflation when this strategy had already failed in Mexico. The answer: it was no longer possible to accommodate the contry's high inflation rate through the pervasive use of price indexation and a competitive exchange rate policy. Under conditions of high inflation, the anchoring of the exchange rate within the Real Plan was the quickest route toward price stability. However, policy success also required deep fiscal adjustment, and traditional Brazilian politics stubbornly resisted the necessary tax reforms. In contrast to Mexico, where the peso crash was fueled by reckless private sector spending and borrowing, Brasil's January 1999 devaluation was triggered by chronically high fiscal deficits. Brazil's rapid recovery under a flexible currency regime suggests that the macroeconomic fundamentals are back on track; the challenge now lies in the crafting of a viable pro-reform political coalition that can cut through the numerous parochial interests that converged to provoke the 1999 devaluation.
Vol.21, n.o3(83), 2001
Diferentes padrões de políticas salariais nos estados brasileiros: uma anáilise a partir do diferencial de salários público-privado
Gabriela Miranda Moriconi, João S. Moura Neto, Nelson Marconi e Paulo Roberto Arvate
Public servant wages represent a significant part of Brazilian state governments’ current expenses. Based on the literature, this paper has tried to identify which states practice efficient, compensatory or appropriation wage politics through the estimation of public-private wage differentials. The differential of salaries was calculated between 1995 and 2004 following the Oaxaca’s technique. The results show that the wage policy of an important number of states has had efficiency and a numerous part of the North and the Northeast states have developed compensatory politics. The Federal District and Roraima practiced a wage policy characterized by explicit appropriation.
Vol.29, n.o3(115), 2009
Programas de estabilização, mistificação tecnocrática e câmaras setorias
Guido Mantega
The present paper discusses the nature and the conditions of stabilization plan in democratic societies, criticizing the technocrats approach that reduces those plans to a mere technical decision, this hiding their social consequences and implications in terms of gains and losses. The inefficacy of orthodox and heterodox plans from in recent years said to be due to their lack of clarity, politics and legitimacy. A stabilization program cannot be left in the hands of market or cannot be resumed to a fiscal adjustment and monetary restrictions, but must have income policies, introduced by the State and with the active participation of social classes. The experience of the sectorial chambers in certain branches of industrial activities harbours an insight towards a new mechanism of coordination of prices, wages and public prices, that can slow down that inertial inflation and keep price increase in Brazil under control.
Vol.14, n.o2(54), 1994
Trabalho e política: locke e o discurso Econômico
Hugo da Gama Cerqueira
This paper examines the emergence of an economic discourse separated from ethics or political philosophy. It argues that the works of locke are a decisive moment in this proces, for disclosing the existence of a sphere of the economy distinct from the sphere of the politics. Furthermore, the article suggests, contrarily to other conventional interpretations, that Locke doesn´t consummate the emancipation of the economic discourse, since he approaches the economic sphere on the basis of moral principles.
Vol.22, n.o1(85), 2002
Conceptualizing globalisation, cultural identity and democracy
Jan-Erik Lane
Communitarianism offers a rationale for the growing relevance of communities. Its key question is also the one that globalisation makes highly relevant, namely: Who are we? What way of life do we wish to support? Communitarianism underlines the politics of mutual respect as the democratic state’s proper reaction to multiculturalism. Such a politics of mutual respect would be truly global. The paradox of globalisation is that it both makes communal politics more salient while it at the same time calls for a politics of mutual respect which may reduce ethnic and religious conflict. Globalisation increases the search for communal identity. However, a politics of mutual respect may reduce conflicts between communities and enhance global respect for different cultures, where different civilisations accept a common core of institutions.
Vol.23, n.o4(92), 2003
The polítical economy of state reform - political to the core
Kenneth A. Shepsle
The reform of governmental institutions is presently quite salient as many countries struggle with transitions to democracy. It is a constant preoccupation of developing countries as well as of highly developed democracies like Great Britain. International organizations like the World Bank are especially interested in the prospects of political reform for jump-starting national economies currently languishing in poverty and slow growth. For many commentators on these issues, at the Bank and elsewhere, politics is the source of problems. Politics (and politicians) are held in disdain and reformers are encouraged to design schemes insulating economic policies from politics. This is wrong-headed. The present paper provides a political-economy framework in which political ambition figures prominently and yet a constructive attitude toward politics is accommodated.
Vol.19, n.o3(75), 1999
The politics of expertise in Latin America: antecedents and actualities
Laurence Whitehead
All public activities are in some broad measure political, and all require certain specialized skills, which may be termed “expertise”. But over time and space the realm of the specifically “political” may either expand or contract. Equally, what counts as expertise, and how much autonomy it will be granted, also varies over time and space. Horsemanship, literacy, oratory, textual exegesis, and an understanding of global fi-nancial derivatives have each been regarded as the hallmark of the modern expert in one setting or another. The relationship between the “generalist” politician and the “specialist” expert is one of the most ancient and recurring themes in political sci-ence. Effective and durable rule requires the enlistment of a range of competences, yet government is not reducible to technique. How then are the rulers to be guided by their advisers without being usurped by them?
Vol.20, n.o2(78), 2000
La política de la privatización de las telecomunicaciones en Brasil
Maria Hermínia Tavares de Almeida
The article discusses the politics of telecommunications' privatization policies in Brazil. It argues that its features result from a thoroughly negotiated reform process, explained either by the institutional setting defining a particular veto points structure and by the predominant conceptions, among members of governing coalition, about the proper economic role of the State. In the first part, telecommunications sector's conditions previous to privatization, the privatization policy and its results are rapidly presented. In the second part, the ideas about the economic role of the state underlying the debate about privatization of State owned enterprises are summarized. In the third part, we discuss the political process through which the privatization of telecommunications came true, stressing the role of institutions and relevant actors.
Vol.21, n.o2(82), 2001
Política e reformas fiscais no Brasil recente
Maria Rita Loureiro e Fernando Luiz Abrucio
“Politics and Fiscal Reforms in Recent Brazil”. This study focuses on the economic and political framework in which fiscal changes take place in Brazil in the past two decades, in the general context of the State reform. Emphasis is given to the Cardoso government’s reforms which are examined not only from a macroeconomic perspective but also from the viewpoint of democratic accountability. Without disregarding the role of critical conjunctures, the article also stresses the incremental nature of these reforms and indicates that successful ones take place gradually and that each step taken has influence on the path ahead.
Vol.24, n.o1(93), 2004
Democracia e eficiência: a difícil relação entre política e economia no debate contemporâneo
Maria Rita Loureiro e Fernando Luiz Abrucio

Democracy and efficiency: hard relations between politics and economy. Many economists see politics as an irrational activity. They also think state action usually generates market inefficiencies and democratic institutions, such as elections, often work as obstacles to sound economic measures. Showing that vision has been embedded into the main currents of economic thought since the last century, we also argue those ideas are exported to great part of contemporary political science, including the area of public policies. Examining the literature, we show that rational choice political scientists, as the economists, claim governability and effective decisions will be guaranteed mainly through concentrated arenas or through insulated arrangements able to protect policy makers from political interference. In other words, governability depends on the reduction of the political arenas. On the contrary, we reject this technocratic solution of splitting politics from economy. With the support of classical pluralist thinkers, we stand another conception, arguing politics is the privileged social space for building interests and values in an institutionalized way. The difficulties to surpass current international crises since 2008 reveal this is a crucial problem: reducing politics would prevent societies from improving institutional solutions which are the only ones able to give space to emerging conflicts and, then, reach eventual consensus around them. 

Vol.32, n.o4(129), 2012
Pressão externa e abertura comercial no Brasil
Marianne Nassuno
This article discusses the influence of external pressure on the Brazilian trade liberalization process. The conditions under which external pressure is defined are based on the approach of international politics authors known as “realists” and related to the interests of the States, reliance on specific pressure instruments and vulnerability to pressure. Events such as the decline of the American hegemony, the rise of newly industrialized countries, the globalization of the international economy and the debt crisis, which led to an increase in international conflict during the 1980’s are analysed, as well as domestic factors like the economic vulnerability of Brazil.
Vol.18, n.o1(69), 1998
Citizens against the state: the riddle of high impact, low functionality courts in Brazil
Matthew M. Taylor
The Brazilian federal judiciary offers an interesting riddle to scholars of judicial politics and policy change. While the courts have played a major policy role over the past two decades, constraining and altering federal policy across a range of subjects, the court system has simultaneously been labeled “dysfunctional.” This paper investigates this riddle: a system plagued by major systemic flaws in its day-to-day operations, which nonetheless still manages to exert a powerful influence on public policy in Brazil. I adopt a new institutional perspective, focusing on how the institutional and normative structure within which judges and other legal actors operate affects policy outcomes.
Vol.25, n.o4(100), 2005
Dollars for pesos? the politics of dollarization in Latin Amercia
Pamela K. Starr
The capacity of dollarization to generate stable growth in Latin America despite occasional instability in the international financial system has been the subject of significant economic analysis in recent years. Yet very little attention has been afforded to the politics of the issue. This paper attempts to fill this void by looking at both the political and the economic factors which influence the policy effectiveness of dollarization. The paper reviews the theoretic and policy debate within which the dollarization question is situated and then develops an informal model of the political and economic variables which influence the viability of dollarization. It concludes that although dollarization may be the correct policy choice for some Latin American countries, it is unlikely to benefit the majority. Most Latin American countries would benefit more from directly addressing the forces know to promote economic instability.
Vol.21, n.o1(81), 2001
Uma interpretação do primeiro milagre econômico alemão (1933-1944)
Ricardo Luís Chaves Feijó
An interpretation of the First German Economic Miracle. The German Third Reich was successful in reaching its economical objectives. It is intended to explain the causes of the First German Economic Miracle, fitting its economic system into the category of command economy, which does not confuse itself with the centrally planned economy. Thus, in the first section, we describe the so adopted politics in this period and explain how they had led to the recovery of the German economy. The second section evaluates global indicators of economic performance and population welfare. We are looking for to demonstrate the hypothesis that the Nazi economy was efficient. Such efficiency is explained by the characteristics of the German model.
Vol.29, n.o2(114), 2009
Situando o desenvolvimento rural no Brasil: o contexto e as questões em debate
Sergio Schneider
Addressing rural development discussions in Brazil: context and issues of debate. The work analyzes the main theoretical trends and subjects that integrate the recent Brazilian debate about rural development. We agued that the agenda of the rural development in Brazil, on which actively participate scholars, organizations and institutions, have been formulated by the State and the public politics implemented since the beginning of the 1990. Among the factors that had influenced the emergency of the debate about rural development is distinguished the increasing social and political legitimating of family farming and the agrarian reform, the reorientation of the state policies, the increasing sharply political and ideological quarrels with the agribusiness wing and the matters about sustainability. It is also argued that the analytical and interpretative references that have being used by the scholars are still diffuse and varied, but has been capable to influence the policy makers.
Vol.30, n.o3(119), 2010
Ciclos políticos: uma resenha
Tânia Marta Maia Fialho
In the last four decades, the relationship between economic performance and politics has been examined by means of various theoretical and empirical approaches, suggesting the possibility of a political business cycle in many countries. This study presents a review of the main models of Business Cycle Theory and of the main findings reported in the international literature. In part, the empirical evidence suggests that the political variable, particularly the electoral variable, is an important determinant of cyclical movements in the economy, indicating that Business Cycle Theory is consistent with the observed performance of several modern democratric societies.
Vol.19, n.o2(74), 1999
State reform and the theory of institutional policy
Thráinn Eggertsson
A theory of institutional reforms must recognize what policy instruments are available, how politics restrains the choice sets of reformers, and whether spontaneous counter-policy by ordinary actors is likely to undermine reforms. A discussion of the so-called Determinacy Paradox concludes that it is not a practical issue. Insights suggested by the new institutionalism include measures to reduce political risks, increase the durability of reforms, and reduce transaction. The main weakness of NIE as a guide to policy is its limited understanding of the role of norms in undermining reforms and of long-term internal dynamics of social systems.
Vol.19, n.o2(74), 1999
A quebra do peso mexicano: causas, conseqüências e recuperação
Timothy Kessler
This article traces the ways in which political, economic, domestic, and international factors converged to provoke a massive financial crisis in Mexico in 1994/5, as well as the consequences of this crisis for future reform efforts. The author argues that the maintenance of an overvalued exchange rate prior to the crisis enabled the ruling PRI party to appeal to a broad range of domestic interests. International investors, who held an unprecedented $34 billion in Mexican equities in 1994, were equally adamant in defending the anchored exchange rate. However, in attempting to appease both domestic and foreign interests, the Salinas administration lost control of the macroeconomic fundamentals. While the combination of a massive multilateral loan and the shift to a floating exchange rate paved the way for Mexico's rapid economic recovery, a main legacy of the crisis was the political demise of the PRI. Although political liberalization was certainly not part of the PRI's original game plan, thanks to its own reckless policy errors, a main legacy of the peso crisis was the advent of more open politics in Mexico. Because of this, the politics of economic policymaking under the new Fox administration may not be as neatly packaged as under the PRI, but there are already unprecedented signs of debate, accountability, and compromise.
Vol.21, n.o3(83), 2001
Democracia consolidada e tamanho do Estado
Felipe Scudeler Salto

Consolidated democracy and size of the State. Common sense suggests that the more consolidated democracies and advanced economies tend to be more efficient and produce smaller states. What is observed in practice, however, is a positive correlation between "democratic consolidation" and "tax burden" (as a proxy for "size of government"). This finding, while not expressing any causal relationship between the two variables, is an evidence that a more republican and democratic State, as defined in Bresser-Pereira, must be able to provide, effectively and efficiently, broader public services with better quality. This is, in consolidated democracies, the State should not be small. 

Vol.34, n.o1(134), 2014
Dr. Brasilia and Mr. Nacala: the apparent duality behind the Brazilian state-capital nexus
Tomaso Ferrando

 In August 2010 Brazil decided to limit foreign direct investments (FDIs) in land, and attracted the attention of politicians as much as the fears of businessmen. However, few months before, in September 2009, it had concluded a trilateral agreement with Japan and Mozambique to implement agribusiness and contract farming on an area of ten million hectares in the Mozambican region of Nacala. In light of that, the paper analyses the apparent duality of the Brazilian politics, and concludes that, exactly like in the case of the novel by Robert Louis Stevenson, it is not a matter of pathology, but a voluntarily induced double personality which is strategic in positioning Brazil at the core of the global capitalist system.

Vol.35, n.o2(139), 2015
The concept of emerging power in international politics and economy
Pedro Cezar Dutra Fonseca, Lucas de Oliveira Paes e André Moreira Cunha

Este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar o conceito de potências emergentes criado para a compreensão dos assuntos internacionais. O trabalho observa que o emprego do léxico emergentes - em relação aos mercados, países ou poderes - como qualificador para uma gama de fenômenos de relações internacionais tornou-se parte integrante da questão. Apesar disso, a denotação empírica do predicado está à frente da quantidade de esforços em sua contextualização teórica. Nossa hipótese metodológica é que a negação racional dos conceitos predominantes espectroconotativo, reconhecendo a sabedoria incorporada sobre fenômenos cognatos sintetiza um quadro teórico sobre a sua utilização precisa

This paper aims to analyze the concept of emerging power established to the understanding of international affairs. The work observes that the use of the lexicon emerging – regarding to markets, countries or powers - as qualifier for a range of international relations phenomena became a constituent part of the matter. In spite of that, the empirical denotation of the predicate is ahead of the amount of efforts on its theoretical contextualization. Our methodological hypothesis is that the rational denial of the concepts prevailing connotative spectrum by acknowledging the embedded wisdom about cognate phenomena synthesizes a theoretical framework on its accurate use.   

Vol.36, n.o1(142), 2016
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